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Abstract

This dissertation examines PP/PRET variation among monolingual and bilingual speakers of Andean Spanish in Cusco, Peru. Using purported motivations for innovative Andean PP behavior as a backdrop for investigation, i.e. influence from the Quechua verbal system (Bustamente, 1991; Klee and Ocampo, 1995; Escobar, 1997; Sanchez, 2004) and natural subjectivization processes (Howe, 2013; Jara Yupanqui, 2013; Azpiazu, 2018), the current study explores explanatory variables related to contact and subjectivization in Cusco PP use. In line with García Tesoro and Jang (2018), I argue innovative Cusco PP behavior is rooted in contact-induced subjectivization, a claim substantiated in questionnaire data (24 participants) and sociolinguistic interviews (26 participants) with monolingual and bilingual speakers.

That innovative PP behavior is rooted in contact is supported via the following results: (i) there is a statistically significant negative correlation between Spanish-dominance and PP use in the interview data; (ii) PP use was favored across demographic factors characterizing Quechua-dominant bilinguals (e.g. older, rural, little to no education); and (iii) the PP was conditioned by education level, whereby those with less education favored PP use, according to a logistic regression. That the Cusco PP is undergoing subjectivization is supported by the following: (i) Emotive Proximity is a significant conditioning factor in PP selection in the questionnaire data, whereby an increase in the emotional/psychological impact of an event increases the likelihood of PP selection; and (ii) PP use is conditioned by grammatical subject in the interview data, whereby its use is favored with 1st person subjects, according to a logistic regression.

A qualitative analysis on bilinguals' interview data exhibits comparable morphological strategies in marking noteworthy events for the speaker in intra-speaker Spanish and Quechua narratives; these involve the PP in Spanish and non-marked forms in Quechua. Additionally, upon investigating Quechua past tense strategies in natural speech, the Spanish PP and the Quechua past tense system appear commonly linked by epistemic features, though not via two Quechua morphemes (-r(q)a-, -sqa-) as previously claimed. Overall, these results suggest the Cusco PP has strengthened in speaker-subjective meaning and that this development is rooted in shared epistemic values in Spanish and Quechua, viz., contact-induced subjectivization.

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